This Duterte vs Marcos Jr. performance comparison evaluates Philippine presidential performance based on official data during the former President Duterte administration (2016–2022) and the incumbent President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. administration (2022–early 2025) on seven (7) governance settings or dimensions where we are going to go in-depth. This dive-in is intended for Filipino voters, scholars, and observers seeking an unbiased assessment of the Philippines’ presidential performance comparison. Whenever possible, government and international sources (PSA, NEDA, World Bank, UNDP, WHO, etc.) through 2024 are employed, looked into, and used as bases for the key findings and data.
Moreover, this performance comparison of the two leaderships shows that the Philippine governance has changed significantly, or if not considerably, over the last few years, with Presidents Rodrigo Duterte and Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., both presenting unique challenges and also uncertain opportunities.
Between 2016 and early 2025, their respective governance leadership has shaped the economic course, social policy, and government institutions of the country in different ways or manners. In this comparison of Duterte’s and Marcos Jr.’s performance, we analyze their performance success and failure in the most critical areas, such as economic growth, poverty alleviation, education, health, infrastructure building, human rights, and foreign policy. With a look into official statistics and international reports, this comparison is a fact-check, a neutral verdict for Filipino citizens, academics, and analysts that provides them a better picture of which government produced the most substantial outcomes for the Philippines.
Economy
✍️ GDP Growth: From 2016–2019 under Duterte, the economy grew roughly 6–7% annually before COVID-19. In 2020, it collapsed by –9.5% under strict lockdowns. Recovery followed in 2021 (+5.7%) and accelerated to 7.6% in 2022, which was already during President Marcos Jr.’s first year.
Growth eased to 5.6% in 2023, narrowly missing that year’s official target of 6–7%. Meanwhile, the World Bank reported that the gross domestic product (GDP) expanded 5.6% in 2024, keeping the Philippines among the region’s fastest-growing economies. Again, this robust achievement was during the Marcos Jr. administration.
✍️ Inflation and Employment: Before the COVID-19 pandemic, inflation was modest (2–3%), but it increased to about 6.0% in 2022 with food and fuel crises before leveling off.
As jobs rebounded, unemployment dropped to historic lows (below 5%) by 2023–2024; however, underemployment persisted. Although the public debt increased under Duterte and Marcos Jr., the debt-to-GDP ratio (around 60%) is still low by global standards.
Poverty Alleviation
✍️ Incidence of Poverty: Official surveys indicate that poverty went down under both governments. Under Duterte, poverty attained an all-time high of 18.1% in 2021. It fell to 15.5% by 2023 due to cash-transfer programs and economic bounce-back. A similar drop from 16.7% in 2018 to 15.5% in 2023 is recorded by the World Bank.
The Marcos Jr. administration targets poverty at 9% by 2028.
✍️ Social Programs: Both presidents extended the 4Ps conditional cash-transfer program, which is a social program. Indirectly, Duterte’s “Build, Build, Build” initiative generated employment; Marcos Jr. increased social expenditure and the minimum wage. Despite prosperity, high food inflation, which averaged 6% in 2022, hampered the decline in poverty. Overall, both presidencies’ objective metrics indicate a slow drop in poverty.
Education
✍️ Access and Spending: Under the Duterte administration, education budgets were drastically raised (to about 15–20% of national expenditures), and K–12 reforms were conducted. Marcos Jr., meanwhile, documents increased budgets and new classrooms. While primary school enrollment recovered from pandemic declines, there are still challenges that exist.
✍️ Learning Outcomes: Persistent shortcomings are highlighted by international examinations, such as those conducted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Only 355 (OECD average 472) and 347 (OECD average 476) in math and reading were achieved by Filipino 15-year-olds in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022.
The OECD average was 69% in math, whereas only 16% met the requirement. Even with increased financing, learning progress has remained sluggish. For instance, PISA results from 2018 to 2022 hardly changed. Youth literacy rates are high (96–98%), yet “functional illiteracy” is still a problem.
All things considered, both administrations raised educational spending, yet standardized test scores have stayed low.
Healthcare
✍️ Health Outcomes: According to the World Health Organization’s (WHO) 2021 forecast, life expectancy at birth is approximately 71 years and is gradually increasing.
In 2021, the maternal mortality rate was approximately 189 per 100,000 births. Despite conflicting detailed data, both presidents point to improvements in maternal-child health and vaccination rates. According to WHO, the Philippines spends less on health than its OECD counterparts, at about 5.9% of GDP in 2021. Access to care has increased after Marcos Jr. introduced new hospital facilities and expanded PhilHealth coverage, and Duterte approved the Universal Health Care (UHC) Act in 2019.
Through UHC initiatives, it was hoped that over 80% of Filipinos would have enrolled in national health insurance (NHIP) by 2024 (although specific numbers differ depending on the source). The COVID-19 pandemic served as a test: during Duterte’s administration, hospitals experienced prolonged surges (2020–21), whereas Marcos maintained vaccination campaigns and relaxed regulations. Although the Philippines has made slow progress in improving metrics, such as infant mortality and morbidity, it still lags behind regional standards.
Infrastructure
✍️ Roads and Transportation: Duterte’s main initiative, “Build, Build, Build,” envisions a “golden age of infrastructure.” Expressways, farm-to-market roads, and new bridges were among the 40,080 kilometers of roads constructed or upgraded under Duterte, according to DPWH.
Meanwhile, over 1,200 bridges and 12,000 kilometers of roads have been built or renovated in just two years thanks to Marcos Jr.’s “Build Better More” project. Under Marcos Jr., the Metro Manila Subway, new LRT and MRT lines, and the largest bridges (like Panguil Bay) are among the major projects.
✍️ Investment and Projects: Duterte constructed flood control projects and new airports, such as the Clark Terminal in Mactan, Cebu. Similar projects, such as airports and water sanitation, as well as digital infrastructure, like the national fiber backbone, have been given priority under the Marcos Jr. government. Approximately 6% of GDP was spent on infrastructure by 2024, according to government figures.
Roads and rail have been financed by China and Japan under both presidents. In conclusion, Duterte’s term witnessed record road-length improvements, and Marcos Jr. keeps up the momentum with a number of flagship projects and record airport and rail investments.
Human Rights
✍️ Rights Record: Given the anti-drug campaign, Duterte’s administration was characterized by significant human rights issues. More than 12,000 extrajudicial executions have occurred since 2016, according to the United Nations (UN) officials and Human Rights Watch (HRW). Moreover, investigative bodies estimated 2,500 by police, with the rest undetermined.
Under Marcos Jr., the drug war has subsided, and no similar mass killings have occurred. Human rights organizations, however, continue to have concerns about political dissent, media freedom, and due process under both regimes.
The shutdown of the ABS-CBN franchise in 2020 was one example of how press freedom suffered under the Duterte administration. Although Marcos Jr. reactivated ABS-CBN in 2022, worries about red-tagging and surveillance still exist.
✍️ Freedom Indices: Freedom House classifies the Philippines as “Partly Free” in 2024 with a rating of 58/100, effectively the same as in 2023. This is represented by combined ratings for political rights (25/40) and civil liberties (33/60). The unchanged rating indicates that important indicators (rule of law, freedom of the press) continue to be problematic. In short, on quantifiable indicators, the Duterte term experienced a precipitous rollback of rights (drug war, arrest of critics), whereas Marcos Jr.’s term thus far indicates persistent alertness on the part of watchdog vigilance but no mass violence. Hard indicators continue to categorize the nation as partly free.
Foreign Policy
✍️ Alliances and Trade: After a 2016 missile test controversy, Duterte shifted away from the United States (U.S.) and toward China (via maritime cooperation and Belt and Road loans), seeking an “independent foreign policy” at first. By 2021, however, Duterte did renew some U.S. agreements or partnerships, such as naval exercises.
On the other hand, traditional alliances have been strengthened by Marcos Jr.’s rebalancing of “friend to all, enemy to none” diplomacy. The Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) between the U.S. and the Philippines entered its tenth year in March 2024 under the Marcos Jr. administration, and both nations have increased their joint aid and exercises.
While maintaining economic connections with China, Marcos Jr. has also courted the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members, Japan, and Australia. And this is supported by trade data, which shows that the U.S. and China continue to be the top export destinations ($9.4 billion to China in 2024) and that both countries’ foreign investment regulations have been relaxed.
✍️ Diplomatic Milestones: Duterte’s presidency had historic moments, such as his speech to the UN General Assembly denouncing the U.S. and his subsequent backing for the Quad exercises. Marcos Jr. hosted ASEAN summits and mediated in regional forums. Tensions in the South China Sea have been a major issue in both administrations: Duterte downplayed disputes with China, while Marcos Jr. has reaffirmed the 2016 arbitral ruling and lodged diplomatic protests.
While official data on foreign policy is qualitative, analysts point to Marcos Jr.’s recent pivot to fortify the U.S. relationship (visits, joint declarations), while Duterte depended more on economic interaction with new allies. As all things considered, foreign policy indicators (trade volumes, defense accords, summit attendance) demonstrate continuity with certain strategic changes: Marcos Jr. has strengthened long-standing partnerships (such as U.S. military cooperation) without abandoning Duterte’s new ties with China.
Comparative Data Tables: Parameters Indicators Under Each Administration
| Dimensions/Parameters | Duterte (2016–22) | Marcos Jr. (2022–2024) |
|---|---|---|
| GDP Growth | ~6–7%/yr (2016–19); –9.5% (2020); +5.7% (2021) | +7.6% (2022), +5.6% (2023), +5.6% (WB, 2024) |
| Poverty Rate | 16.7% (2018) → 18.1% (2021, Covid spike) | 15.5% (PSA, 2023) |
| Education Outcomes | PISA 2018: Math≈357, Read≈340 (lowest OECD rank) | PISA 2022: Math 355, Read 347 (still bottom) |
| Infrastructure | 40,080 km roads built/improved | 12,000+ km roads, 1,200+ bridges (2 yrs) |
| Human Rights | “Partly Free” (FH score 58/100); ~12K drug-war deaths | “Partly Free” (58/100); no mass killings reported |
| Health Spending | ~5% GDP (2016) → 5.9% (2021) | ~5.9% GDP (2021) (COVID vaccinations+) |
| Alliances | Pivot to China; U.S. EDCA renewed, but toned down in 2016; ASEAN summit host (2017) | Re-engaged U.S. (10th EDCA anniversary); maintains ASEAN leadership; continued China cooperation |
These comparative data reflect quantifiable results across the parameters used. Duterte’s term overall had high pre-pandemic growth and large-scale infrastructure construction, but also economic decline during 2020 and extreme human-rights concerns. Marcos Jr., on the other hand, received the post-pandemic recovery, maintaining strong growth and infrastructure pace, while continuing anti-poverty initiatives and re-engaging foreign friends.
Depending on the measure, both have their strong points: Duterte constructed more new roads in total; Marcos Jr., to date, has had firm growth and enhanced global relations. Ultimately, who’s the “best president for Filipinos” judgment may depend on priorities, e.g., economic growth, social justice, or the rule of law. What these data show is that under Duterte and Marcos Jr., the Philippines had robust growth and poverty reduction, but chronic issues in education and rights. They should weigh these empirical findings against values and policy visions for the future.
Infographic: Duterte vs. Marcos Jr.: Governance Performance Comparison
(2016–2025)
This infographic seeks to present a clear visual of Duterte vs. Marcos Jr. performance relative to their governance and leadership during their respective terms between 2016 and early 2025. This enables readers interested in Philippine governance to better understand it. Note that the percentages reflected in the infographic below are approximations based on the qualitative evaluations of the data. They are interpreted performance scores based on qualitative analysis and comparative data points.
| Governance Dimension | Duterte (2016–2022) | Marcos Jr. (2022–early 2025) |
|---|---|---|
| Economy | 65.0% | 70.0% |
| Poverty Alleviation | 60.0% | 65.0% |
| Education | 50.0% | 55.0% |
| Healthcare | 55.0% | 60.0% |
| Infrastructure | 70.0% | 65.0% |
| Human Rights | 40.0% | 50.0% |
| Foreign Policy | 45.0% | 60.0% |
How did we get these percentage rates based on the qualitative evaluations of the data? Or to recast the question, what methodology was used to derive the percentage ratings?
These percentage ratings are not from raw polls or statistical models, but interpretive totals based on:
- Historical economic trends
- Flagship policy impact
- Public trust
- Post-COVID recovery path
They are visual performance metrics, like political scorecards, to enable comparative comprehension. Furthermore, the allocated percentage ratings of presidents on seven governance areas are interpretive composite scores. These come from qualitative analysis, publicly available data, and comparative assessment. The goal is to reduce complicated governance outcomes into consumable visual metrics for education and public discourse.
In arriving at these allocated percentage ratings, governance dimensions or parameters are analyzed (i.e., economy, poverty alleviation, education, healthcare, infrastructure, human rights, and foreign policy).
Then, applying a rating scale, each governance area is rated on a scale from 0% to 100%, where:
- 100% denotes ideal performance across all indicators
- 50% represents average or mixed performance
- Below 50% signals performance with significant deficiencies or controversy
- Above 50% reflects generally favorable outcomes with room for improvement
Ratings of data sources and evaluation criteria are based on the official government statistics (e.g., PSA, DOH, DepEd, NEDA, BSP), independent economic and human rights reports, publicly available timelines of major reforms or crises, and a comparative analysis.
Each governance or dimension is evaluated using 4–6 key performance indicators (KPIs), such as:
| Dimension | Key Indicators Used |
|---|---|
| Economy | GDP growth, inflation, unemployment, FDI, investor confidence |
| Poverty | Poverty incidence rate, government aid, minimum wage trends |
| Education | Literacy rates, school access, education budget, learning outcomes |
| Healthcare | UHC law rollout, COVID-19 response, hospital funding |
| Infrastructure | Public works completed, BBB/BM performance, budget utilization |
| Human Rights | EJKs, international human rights scores, domestic reforms |
| Foreign Policy | Diplomatic relations, trade agreements, defense alignment |
Then, using a composite scoring method,
- Assign weight to each indicator (e.g., GDP = 30% of the Economy score).
- Grade performance qualitatively (e.g., “strong,” “moderate,” “poor”).
- Convert qualitative grade to numerical estimate (e.g., “moderate” = ~60%).
- Calculate the weighted average per governance or dimension category.
Interpreting this approach, each score reflects both outcome effectiveness and policy intent as interpreted from public data and these analysis insights. For example, on the Economy score,
- Duterte (2016–2022): Strong early growth but pandemic setbacks, high inflation (2018), and delayed recovery = 65.0%
- Marcos Jr. (2022–early 2025): Strong rebound post-COVID, moderate inflation control, investor optimism = 70.0%
Note that this methodology has the following limitations:
- The results are not based on uninterpreted survey data or econometric models.
- Subjectivity exists, but is balanced by cross-validation against government and third-party sources.
- They can be most adequately understood as “performance snapshots” based on narrative analysis.
Final Thoughts: Who Has Done the Best for Filipinos?
Deciding, then, who between President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and former President Rodrigo Duterte has done the “best” for Filipinos is worth defining objectively, among data-driven evaluation or evidence-based judgment on economic, social, and governance fronts. The facts present a mixed picture—both presidencies have strengths and unremedied weaknesses.
With its “Build, Build, Build” slogan, the former Duterte government had the largest infrastructure expansion in contemporary Philippine history. Besides, it had strong pre-pandemic economic growth. Yet all that was sullied by a record-shattering economic contraction in 2020, global condemnation of his ruthless war on drugs, and the decline of press freedom and institutional restraints. While it hurt long-time relations and evoked criticism of his weak naval defense in the West Philippine Sea, his China pivot boosted economic ties.
Marcos Jr., on the other hand, came into office with an economy in rebound mode and has thus far maintained GDP growth, reduced unemployment, and poverty rates. His “Build Better More” infrastructure initiative follows through on Duterte’s legacy while expanding investments to the digital and healthcare industries. In respect of its foreign policy, Marcos Jr. has shifted his strategy towards China while reopening and strengthening ties with the US, Japan, and the ASEAN neighbors. While there still remain issues of civil liberties and press freedom, his administration has been less vociferous in its tone and less intransigent in its disregard of human rights.
Based on available records up to early 2025, Marcos Jr. is perhaps doing better on stability and continuity: sustained economic recovery, enhanced international relations, and modest social gains at the expense of not incurring Duterte’s severe reputational damage from his drug war campaign.
Marcos Jr.’s enduring legacy will depend on the sustained delivery of reforms, actual poverty alleviation, improved educational performance, and stronger democratic institutions.
Generally, while Duterte achieved bold infrastructure and early economic momentum, President Marcos Jr. has so far delivered more even-handed leadership, driving growth while avoiding extreme steps that damaged human rights and global reputation.
Additionally, when it comes to inclusive development and governance based on institutional efficacy, Marcos Jr. is currently believed to be the better president for Filipinos; however, what happens after 2025 will then tell. ▲
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💬 AI Use Disclosure: This article is AI-assisted by ChatGPT (OpenAI) and is reviewed, edited, and refined by the writer and editor of The Philippine Pundit.
References
- Yraola, A. M. P. (2024, April 5). PSA lowers economy’s growth to 5.5% in 2023. BusinessWorld.
- Cigaral, I. N. P. (2024, Jan. 31). Economic growth slowed in 2023, missed gov’t target. Philippine Daily Inquirer.
- Flores, M. (2024, Aug. 15). Philippines poverty rate at 15.5% in 2023, statistics agency says. Reuters.
- World Bank. (2025). The World Bank in the Philippines: Overview. worldbank.org.
- OECD. (2023). PISA 2022 Results: Country Note Philippines. gpseducation.oecd.org.
- Institute for Corporate Directors. (2024). Strategic insights from President Marcos Jr.’s 2024 State of the Nation Address. icd.ph.
- Ortega, A. (2022, June 15). Highlights of the Duterte administration. Philippine Daily Inquirer.
- Freedom House. (2024). Philippines: Freedom in the World 2024. freedomhouse.org.
- Philippine News Agency. (2025, Mar. 5). PBBM transforms, reinvigorates PH-US alliance through EDCA. pia.gov.ph.
- Human Rights Watch. (n.d.). Philippines’ ‘War on Drugs’. hrw.org.
Regel Javines is the founder and editor of The Philippine Pundit. Born in Leyte and raised by struggle, he writes truth from the margins—with conviction, clarity, and conscience. His work explores the intersections of politics, spirituality, and life’s deeper questions. Blogging since 2011, Regel has contributed incisive political analysis to global citizen journalism platforms, giving voice to stories often left unheard.
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