Unopposed Elections: No Rival, No Choice—The Increasing Crisis in Philippine Politics

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In unopposed elections or the absence of electoral rivalry rings a troubling aspect of the dynamic yet intricate tapestry of Philippine politics. During elections, there could be hundreds of candidates running unopposed or without rivals to run for the same position, be it from barangays to city halls, receiving only one (1) vote to win by default, oftentimes. While this reality appears to be a sign of overwhelming public approval, this may also be a sign of more serious democratic rot, like political dynasties, voter apathy, and structural inequality.
A Filipino reformist standing on a ballot box, resisting political dynasties and fear in rural unopposed elections.
Illustration of a lone Filipino candidate challenging unopposed dynasties in Philippine politics. (A ChatGPT-generated image enhanced via Canva)

In the Philippines, where elections are widely acclaimed as the lifeblood of democracy, an alarming trend persists to discredit the very foundation or the very bedrock of representative rule: unopposed candidacies.

Every election cycle, scores of local government officials from barangay captains to city mayors are reelected to office without having even a single challenger—that easy-peasy! Such could be mistaken to understand as an indicator of unrivaled public trust or stellar performance of a candidate. But the truth and, in reality, it is far more diabolical.

As of the data provided by the Commission on Elections (Comelec), there have been continually more unopposed candidates in the Philippines, with over 800 officials going unchallenged or having no rivals at all in the 2022 elections alone. These unchallenged individuals are among the governors, mayors, vice mayors, and representatives in local councils.

More importantly, it is alarming as the fact that, by present election legislations, specifically Republic Act (RA) 6646, one can be declared a winner from having only a single valid vote without regard for the turnout at polls or resident activity. That’s a windfall trick!

Even if it is procedurally sound, this legalistic approach can lead to profound implications for Philippine democracy. It transforms what should be a competitive election process into a mere formality exercise of the voting process that allows entrenched political dynasties to remain intact.

Moreover, these political dynasties may retain a grip on power without challenge and can possibly be repeated from one term to another term that is allowed by law. This is gross.

In numerous towns and provinces, the entire local governments may be family-owned franchises, where elections are neither free nor fair but a choreographed exercise to legitimize inherited power. That’s another gross. Yet, until now, there has been no law passed penalizing political dynasties. And they keep on growing at the speed of light, imagine that.

Worst of all, unopposed elections foster political stagnation, stifle civic engagement, and undermine public accountability. Without other voices on the ballot, voters are denied meaningful choice, and reform-minded candidates are co-opted, silenced, or intimidated into submission. This puts citizens at the mercy of entrenched patronage networks or systems and fosters a culture of fear, dependency, complacency, or even worse, apathy.

In this exhaustive commentary, The Philippine Pundit scrutinizes the underlying causes, legal frameworks or structures, and societal implications of the culture of uncontested elections in the Philippines. This article delves into how political clans, fragile party institutions and systems, and income disparity fuel the democratic crisis, and what immediate reform is necessary to reclaim the voice and agency of the Filipino electorate.

Unopposed Candidates: A Legal and Political Overview

Under Section 6 of RA 6646 or the Electoral Reforms Law of 1987, in the event that only one candidate is running for an elective post, then the election would still be conducted as usual. The said candidate would only need one (1) valid vote to be declared as the winner (Senate Electoral Reforms Law of 1987).

For instance, during the 2022 national and local polls, more than 800 candidates, such as 45 mayors, were unopposed (Comelec, 2022). This number was also similarly large in past elections, which unsurprisingly indicates a systemic problem or ill that the Philippine governance appears to just turn a blind eye or seems to nail it as part of election gross culture—refers to the entrenched set of unethical, anti-democratic practices and behaviors like vote-buying, dynastic rule, personality-driven campaigning, and disinformation that systemically or apparently distort the electoral process and disrespect public trust in democratic institutions.

Why Do Candidates Run Unopposed?

👉 Political Dynasties and Patronage — As of the Ateneo School of Government, 70% of Congress and a vast majority of local seats are dominated by political dynasties (Mendoza et al., 2019). Moreover, powerful families with armed power intimidate or try to silence opposition in underprivileged urban and rural populations by financial intimidation or co-optation.

👉 Lack of Opposition Infrastructure — Opposition candidates essentially lack grassroots support, funding, or security in provinces ruled by entrenched clans. Even honest candidates, from the general perspective, fear political retribution, harassment, or violence.

👉 Disempowerment and Voter Apathy — As the same family names repeat on the ballot every election cycle, most voters lose faith in elections. Some won’t vote at all, others ride along with the machinery of the incumbent out of survival or need, not preference.

The Consequences of Running Unopposed

✔ Weak Accountability — In democratic governments, political opposition is a significant mechanism of public accountability. Without opponents or rivals, candidates have no incentive to debate, or are not compelled to participate, to reveal detailed policy stances, or to answer citizen concerns.

Hence, as electoral competition is, whenever absent, and with it, there would be little contact with citizens and more on generic or rehashed campaign promises. Based on the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), their counterparts with no competition are less transparent and less accountable to public inquiry. This is because, accordingly, they already anticipate winning for the sake of performance and dedication (PCIJ, 2022).

For their part, this undermines institutional checks and makes way for mediocrity or corruption to thrive under the guise of legitimacy.

✔ Democratic Illusion — As elections are held and votes are cast, having but one (1) candidate turns the democratic process into a ceremonial affair, presenting citizens with the mask of choice. In actuality, these uncontested elections lack the competition, discussion, and opportunity to change the status quo that democracy requires.

Dr. Aries Arugay (2021), a political scientist, stressed that an election with a single candidate defeats the intention behind the vote, claiming, “When there is no alternative, the election becomes a ratification, not a decision.” This, in turn, results in a population bred with limited political engagement and low expectations of leadership. Citizens are, rather, presented with the appearance of choice but not the reality of democracy.

✔ Reinforced Dynastic Power — Unopposed elections or no rival elections largely serve political dynasties, who already have a strong grip on local politics in the Philippines. Dynasties employ uncontested elections to bolster their hold on power by discouraging opposition candidates through social pressure, political intimidation, or even going too far to control local resources—that’s gross!

Mendoza, Beja, Venida, and Yap (2016) in their research claimed that over 75% of political dynasties hold office in local governments, particularly where there is a high poverty rate and low civic engagement. These dynasties tend to pass public offices from generation to generation, and winning unopposed only solidifies the impression that these families are invincible. This form of election gross culture deters qualified but underfinanced candidates from offering themselves and ultimately undermines popular confidence in the electoral process.

Is There Any Way That Can Be Done?

✅ Pass an Anti-Dynasty Law — Notwithstanding the expressed mandate of the 1987 Philippine Constitution to ban political dynasties (Article II, Section 26), there has yet been no enabling law to prescribe and enforce the ban.

The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.

In January 2024, concerned citizens challenged the Supreme Court to ask Congress to enact an anti-dynasty law, raising Congress’s abdication for the last 37 years in living up to its constitutional responsibility (BusinessWorld Online, 2024).

Lack of such laws enables political dynasties or clans to amass power, sabotaging democratic processes and curtailing political rivalry. Passing an anti-dynasty law possibly paves the way to equal access to public service and kills gross monopolization of political power.

✅ Enhance Political Education — Strengthening or enhancing civic education would likely be as important as promoting informed and engaged citizenry.

Civic programs such as Quezon City’s advocacy for participatory governance, for example, seek to enhance civic engagement by empowering government departments and civil society organizations on participatory governance values (Open Government Partnership).

Furthermore, civic projects such as the Youth Leadership for Democracy (YouthLed) program by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) prioritize youth involvement in governance processes through youth networks and institutionalizing civic education.

This means of investing in civic education, particularly in rural and underdeveloped areas, would enable citizens to be educated on their duties, roles, and rights, and the importance of competitive elections.

✅ Campaign Finance Reform — Unused campaign financing becomes unequal political competition. In 2024, senatorial bettors broadcast ₱4 billion worth of television and radio commercials prior to the official declarations of candidacies, with top local candidates outrunning national opposition (PCIJ.org, 2025).

To equalize the playing field, there are reforms to regulate and publicly disclose political contributions. Suggestions include adjusting the spending caps according to inflation and economic situations, and making campaign financing transparent and fair (Medium, 2024).

With all these means, we could make it more difficult for dynasties to corner money by regulating and making political donations public, thus leveling the playing field.

✅ Promote Youth and Grassroots Candidates — Empowering youth and grassroots candidates diversifies political representation. Initiatives such as the Youth in Action (Yo-Act) Programme promote youth to participate in civic activities and leadership training, and active citizenship (Youth Democracy Cohort).

Furthermore, programs of seed grants and education for political newbies with no dynastic line can end dynastic politics and ensure inclusive government. Besides, fund programs and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that groom youth leaders and provide seed money for first-time candidates with no political pedigree.

✅ Empower Comelec and Civil Society — Comelec performs a critical role in ensuring fair elections. In fiscal year 2025, Comelec’s budget equals ₱35.5 billion, reflecting the requirements for enough resources to effect electoral laws correctly and appropriately (CPBRD, 2025).

Building closer partnerships with civil society groups such as the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel) and the Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) can increase electoral transparency and integrity. They should be made more independent and funded to engage in campaigning. Alliances with monitoring organizations such as Namfrel and PPCRV should be made permanent.

Final Thoughts: The Disturbing Silent Erosion of Democracy

As a generally accepted thought, unopposed candidates are, in theory, allowed under the Philippine law, in general, and the election statutes, in particular. This election gross culture (i.e., vote-buying and patronage politics, personality politics over policy, political dynasty, weaponization of government resources, toxic campaigning and disinformation, etc.), as considered by some, and is normal for most of us, reflects a moral and democratic vacuum.

This is because, upon closer scrutiny, the lack of electoral competition reflects a more fundamental structural flaw within the Philippine political system rather than being only a technicality.

Theoretically, elections in a healthy democracy should be inclusive, competitive, and open to all candidates, giving voters a variety of options. When there is a lack of opposition candidates, what happens instead is not an election, but a ratification of authority. The ballot then becomes symbolic, lacking actual power for the people.

This trend, now widespread in most Philippine municipalities, turns democracy into a cloak of legitimacy veiling established inequality and elite dominion.

The 2022 and 2023 elections recorded over 800 default-winning candidates—a figure that should alarm any concerned citizen who respects representative government. Furthermore, voters in the majority of rural areas no longer anticipate alternative candidates, particularly in provinces where dynastic control—the politics of family franchise—is in place.

This politicization of monopolies normalizes, stifles, and discourages political participation, particularly among youth and marginalized communities.

For Philippine democracy to survive, reviving the ideals of choice, contest, and responsibility is our first duty to safeguard as a prerequisite for its growth. Reforms have to address the causes: dynastic hold, poor civic education, campaign finance disparity, and exclusion of new voices.

Only through a multi-track reform effort—by government, civil society, media, and above all, the electorate—can serious political renewal take place.

“Let us not accept silence at the ballot as a sign of peace,” the article admonishes. That silence might be the sound of democracy quietly passing away—not with a bang, but with indifference, fear, and resignation. ▲

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💬 AI Use Disclosure: This article is AI-assisted by ChatGPT (OpenAI) and is reviewed, edited, and refined by the author and editor of The Philippine Pundit.

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